The Journal of Central Asian Studies

Central of Central Asian Studies

University of Kashmir

ISSN: 0975-086X

Nazarbayev’s initiative on ‘Modernization of the Public Consciousness’ clearly signaled changes in the state’s identity policy. By implementing language reforms and switching the Kazakh alphabet from Cyrillic to Latin script, the state authorities declared their strong willingness to diminish Russia’s cultural influence and finally demarcate the state’s Cyrillic-based past from Latin-based future. The article argues that despite the Kazakhstan authorities’ vehement attempts to reforge the nation’s linguistic habits, the state’s identity seems to confirm its Subaltern nature: while dreaming to become Western-like, it acts like Russia. The Post-Soviet Studies on Nation-Building Tools help to explore how language and national identity issues come to interplay in Kazakhstan's official discourse, while the Postcolonial theory helps to explore the surprising moments of resemblance between Kazakhstan's and Russia's recent narratives on cultural and educational reforms.

In the history of Central Asia, developments during the 19th and 20th centuries, such as Collectivisation, Industrialisation besides Colonization, has contributed in an enormous way to the socio-economic life of Central Asian States. The case of Kazakhstan is rather an exceptional one since its relationship with Russia had been the longest and more penetrating as compared to other Central Asian Republics, which lead to long lasting imprints on the Kazakh socio-economic and cultural institutions. Russian migration, which was a primary prerogative of both Czarist and Soviet regimes, changed not only the demographic and economic profile of Kazakh SSR, but also transformed the socio-cultural fabric of Kazakh society. With the colonization of Kazakhstan by Russian peasants, the Kazakh country which was a nomadic society, wholly and solely dependent on pastoral economy, changed to agricultural one and subsequently an industrial one. The present study intends to investigate the migration pattern of Russian ethnic groups to Kazakhstan and its follow up agricultural development. Moreover, the policies of Soviet government in relation to migration and agricultural development which bore both positive as well as negative effects have been discussed in the paper.

India and Central Asia constitutes strategic neighbours and natural allies. Both the regions are geographically proximate, share common history and cultural affinity. Notwithstanding the great historical linkages, New Delhi’s presence in and policies towards Central Asian countries over the past decades have demonstrated the challenges of competing with China on energy issues, with Russia on matters of regional security, with Pakistan on issues of Islam and secularism and with the U.S. on matters of regional influence. India so far has managed to secure only a tenuous foothold in Central Asia with a tag of late comer. When considered alongside other major players, India has yet to translate the aspirations of its recent connect Central Asia policy into reality with strategic and sustainable policy action. Hence, until recently India was considered as a minor player with minimal presence in the region lacking clarity, vision and Continuity in its policy towards the region. It neither had the political will power nor the economic strength to pursue its agenda in Central Asia unlike China and its policy initiatives are lagging far behind those of China, Russia and the US. Nevertheless, the recent emphasis accorded to Central Asian Republics by Indian Prime Minister Mr. Modi by terming their relationship as that of a ‘Partnership for Prosperity’ New Delhi perhaps has signaled its arrival in the heartland region. However, this is just a drop of the entire ocean. With this premise an attempt has been made in this article to know the strategic interests of India in Central Asia in terms of geo-economics and geopolitics and to investigate what policies India follow in this region to secure and strive its interests and what more needs to be done. This article endeavours to objectify why India seeks to reconnect with Central Asia and lays emphasis on the geostrategic and geo-economic perspectives for the reengagement with the region with due weight on the geopolitical significance of the region for New Delhi.

Relations between India and China, two of the oldest living civilizations had been warm, friendly and cooperative for centuries. Both nations had established greater linkages through cultural exchanges and trade throughout history. Ancient trade and religious pilgrimages had been flourishing through the ancient silk route for centuries. After independence, the civilizational relationship gains new momentum and the spirit of 'Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai' guided a new era of the Asian century. However, the brotherhood spirit started deteriorating after the Tibetan Uprising of 1959, leading to a trust deficit and subsequent border disputes. In 1962, both the neighbours engage a brief war and stand to juxtapose in many regional and global issues. Over the years, Chinese has emerged as a major international player and India's China policy has undergone a dynamic change to balance the Chinese threat. In this background, the current paper is intended to highlight the dynamics of India's China policy and analyse the changing relationship between India and China over the years.

Economic Corridors have emerged new models ensuring regional development and integration as well. There is a realization that South Asia despite the enormous problems it faces can become a ‘Zone of Cooperation’ through the revival of Ancient Silk Route. China launched the most ambitious trans-national project ‘One Belt One Road’ with a clear intention to emerge as a world leader in next three decades. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is all but a must project for the accomplishment, or attraction, of BRI. Established and Iron-Brotherhood of Pakistan and China, it argued here, is instrumentally important for Chinese ambition of major global power by her centenary republic celebration. This paper argues that CPEC is a critical concern for India ranging from economic; security to political. China will not displease India as is evident from her moderate stand over Kashmir Issue since 1978-79. At the same time, the ‘all-weather’ friendship with Pakistan is dear to Chinese interests for regional and global power politics. In the last four decades, China has, however, ‘balanced’ Indian concerns and Pakistan’s anxiety in an ‘act’ of ‘courting’ and ‘reassuring’, respectively. Afghanistan opens up two-fold concerns to India –with China as becoming a major regional influence over Kabul, and also with augmentation of Pakistan’s geo-strategic importance. Afghanistan has added complexity to the complex web of relations between and among India, Pakistan and China.

Mankind has always been concerned about security and safety, whether it is the security of the individual, family, clan, tribe, region, nation, or the globe. So security has always remained the prime concerned of any state. After the cold World War, international interdependence has forced the states to readjust their foreign policies in a multilateral context. Cooperation now has become more necessary and institutionalised. Multilateral regimes also tend to strengthen regional cooperation to play a more meaningful and proactive role in global processes. So the SCO and CSTO are two very important multilateral organisations which can act as guarantor for Central Asian States security. After the collapse of the Soviet System the five Central Asian republics Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan have faced a disastrous scenario of security. During the last 27 years, they have been facing various security problems such as border security, ethnic problems, environmental problems, drugs trafficking, terrorism, extremism and radicalism. Commonly agreed set of norms and principles of multilateralism direct the behaviour of states to achieve a greater common good for all states and thus institutionalize multilateralism is for better international cooperation and that is good for central Asian states and their security, and this is the only solution. In the present scenario, Central Asian states need a more robust mechanism to deal with new challenges to their traditional and non-traditional security issues. So this multilateral approach is the best in this context. To maintain the status quo in Central Asia has emerged as the main goals of SCO and CSTO. The deteriorating economic situation, rampant corruption and mass dissatisfaction, all are a source of serious social and political unrest. SCO and CSTO can act as guarantors for these projects like TAPI and energy sharing which will help in the infrastructure and human development in the region through multilateral cooperation.

The Kargil-Iskardu-Gilgit road was one of the significant routes connecting Jammu and Kashmir with outside world till partition and more interestingly this route was synonymous with Silk Route Trade till 1947. The Partition of Indian Sub-continent into India and Pakistan and consequent division of ‘Greater Kashmir’ into Pakistan Administered Kashmir (PAK) and Indian Administered Kashmir (IAK) in 1947 marked the end of this particular route along with many others. Over the last few years the Kargil-Iskardu-Gilgit road had assumed a great deal of significance in enhancing the bilateral relations between Inida, Pakistan and China. A sincere effort is being made in this paper to highlight the historical and contemporary significance of Kargil-Iskardu-Gilgit road. We hope that many findings in this paper would be quiet relevant to the Departments of Trade and Culture in India, Pakistan and China for building up future relations on the basis of the rich historical past, in this age of globalization and regional integration.

This paper primarily assesses the links between the Central Asian regions and Kashmir during the early historic period. Archaeology and textual sources are critically analysed to guess the magnitude of relations both regions shared during the time period under study. The Kushana and Indo-Greek sources speak of the paramount importance of these regions and the relations between the two. Semthan, an early historic site in Kashmir, is focus of the study. NBPW, Indo-Greek and Kushana remains were found at the site during the course of excavations. Besides from explorations, carried at the site by the author, many archaeological evidences of these ruling dynasties were found. Semthan survived as an urban hub and main trading post of these ruling powers in Kashmir.

We analyse a rock carving found in Bomai-Sopore, north of Kashmir, first reported by Yatoo (2005) and later described by him (2005; 2012; 2013). The details of the carving and comparison with the geographical features of the region show how several components of it agree with the local geophysical morphology. An interpretation of the carving based on comet shower and astronomy seems a very likely one for which some tests are to be conducted to check this interpretation.

The Baramulla region figures in ancient literary text as one of the major hubs of cultural activity. The area in the past had numerous routes connecting Kashmir valley to the outside world. Jehlum being one of the main transportation routes connected major towns of Kashmir valley with this region. The landscape has a deep imprint on the cultural heritage of the Kashmir valley. The rise and decline of many towns from the Kushan period till the 13th century AD can still be seen dotted in the landscape around the peripheries of this zone. These structures are mostly located around the banks of the Jehlum basin and have represented Kashmir's cultural identity through the vicissitudes of time. This paper makes an attempt to frame archaeological sites within the cultural landscape of Baramulla of which the imprints are still visible in the form of structural evidence as well as folklore.