The Journal of Central Asian Studies

Central of Central Asian Studies

University of Kashmir

ISSN: 0975-086X

Turkmenistan is one of the leading resource-abundant nations in the world. Despite the vast reserves, the country faces the market challenges of exporting gas and the difficulty of doing business in the republic. Turkmenistan was heavily dependent on Russia for selling its gas for a long time despite the long-lasting neutrality strategy. It depended on the Soviet pipeline network, which connected the country only to European Russia through the Central Asia-Center (CAC) pipeline. Today, Turkmenistan's government is focused on developing new export routes as an essential element in its energy strategy, which boosts its national energy budget with high energy revenues. 2009- 10 proved to be a turning point in Turkmenistan's energy when Russia reduced its purchases from Turkmenistan due to oversupply caused by the recession. This marked the beginning of the diversification strategy of Turkmenistan’s energy policy. This paper looks into Turkmenistan efforts to diversify its export routes. It attempts to explore the strategies employed by Turkmenistan to expand its energy market, reduce dependency on a single export route, and enhance market stability. The paper analyses the shifts in Turkmenistan’s energy relations with both major players, such as Russia and China, and with regional players, like Turkey and Iran.

This study tries to cognize the trajectory of economic reforms that took place in Russia from many centuries back till the present time Russia. The study also tries to trace the trend of how the Russian economy has passed from the state of a traditional economy with the agricultural sector predominating to an economy that is an upper-middle income mixed economy with state ownership in strategic areas of the economy. Economic reforms introduced from time to time have aided the country to come out successfully from difficult times. The COVID-19 Pandemic affected the global economy negatively; the Russian economy, which is the world’s largest energy exporter, contracted less than many of its peers because of timely required state policies adopted to combat this crisis. Reforms in general and economic reforms in particular have and will always remain prerequisite while playing an indispensable role in the economic growth and development of any country and as well as Russia.

The deportation policy implemented during the Soviet Union era led many ethnic minorities to leave their homeland. As a result, Central Asian countries have experienced demographic changes in particular. Although the number of studies on inter-ethnic minority relations in Uzbekistan, where many ethnic minorities live together, has increased over time, there are very few studies on the interactions between three ethnic minority groups: Meskhetian Turks, Koryo-Saram, and Jews. This paper discusses the ethnic minority relations between Meskhetian Turks, Koryo-Saram, and Jews living in Uzbekistan. It examines the political, social, and cultural activities of these ethnic minorities and their relationship with the society of Uzbekistan as a whole. In addition, the paper analyzes, how these three ethnic groups are integrated into Uzbek society. At the same time, it examines the role and impact of Uzbekistan’s institutions in promoting interethnic minority relations. The data collected in the study has been obtained from interviews and observations in the field.

Indian Sub-continent and Khorasan e Bozorg which includes Uzbekistan, Central Asia and parts of the region, has been the cradle of civilization of this part of world, and produced great scholars, poets, Sufis and writers. Both the regions have been connected since the ancient period and exchanged cultural traits and trends and influenced each other. Ever since Timurid rulers converted Herat as the hub of knowledge and cultural activities, scholars and seekers of knowledge and enlightenment flocked to this place and to interact with the greats like Mawlana Jami, Amir Ali Sher Nawai and others. Among Indian scholars who came in contact with Nawai and others were from the kingdoms of Sarqi at Jaunpur, Lodhis at Delhi, Bahmanis from Deccan, and among the individuals the names of Shaikh Jamali, Mahmood Gawan, Shaikh Sadruddin and Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism may especially be mentioned. Besides this, Amir Sher Nawai was also one of the admirers and followers of Amir Khusraw, which is reflected through his writings. Earlier great scholars like Alberuni had contributed to the connect and mutual appreciation.

In Kashmir, Whether the name is from an inhabited or uninhabited place, the story of its origin is sometimes recorded in history and sometimes history remains silent. If history does not reveal place names, it is necessary to turn to the languages. In the remote past, the names used to be one-syllable. In each region, new tribes and languages were introduced, influencing the place names. New settlements and their names came into existence. The tone of the old names changed, and the name became more than one word. Therefore, revolutionary changes took place in the toponomy. In this light, this paper attempts to analyze the place names in Kashmir related to the pre-historic Naga era, on which no detailed research has been done so far. The paper is based on an examination of ancient historical texts from Kashmir, like Nilamata Purana and Rajatarangini, and is supplemented with interviews conducted by the author of this paper during field surveys.

India–Uzbekistan economic relations are the outcome of the visits of the various highest-level officials and political leadership. In 2015, after becoming Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi visited Tashkent. In a press conference, he said, ‘I have begun my journey in Uzbekistan underling its importance for India, not just in this region, but also in Asia’. In a joint statement, he emphasized on building strategic partnerships, combating terrorism, stability in regions, regional integration, and economic cooperation. Before PM Shri Narendra Modi’s Tashkent visit, Uzbek President Islam Karimov paid an official visit to India in 2011, during which 34 agreements were signed. More than 30 projects were designed in the area of exploration and production of hydrocarbons with leading Indian oil and gas companies like ONGC, manufacturing optic-fiber cables at the Navoi free industrial-economic zone (FIEZ), projects in the field of pharmaceuticals and medicine production, communication technology, textile, cotton, silk, smartphones, and chemical industries. The visits of two leaders of India and Uzbekistan have boosted the trade and commercial relationships between the two countries. Therefore, in the last two decades, the relationship has been considered a new dynamic of India-Uzbekistan’s Economic Relations. In light of the above agreements and pacts, this paper mainly discusses to what extent the economic relationship between India and Uzbekistan has improved and what should be the way forward for future course of action. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section discusses Uzbek–India relations in a historical-cultural context. The second section analyzes Uzbek–India relations in a geopolitical and economic context. The third section examines the challenges before the relations of India and Uzbekistan.

The freedom of the press is a crucial element of a democratic society. The right to communicate and express oneself through diverse forms of media, encompassing both traditional print and modern electronic platforms, is considered a fundamental entitlement. It acts as an educator and a watchdog, guarding the public interest. It is vital to ensure the protection of human rights. Sharing information with the public is the first step in addressing grievances and holding governments accountable. The Constitution should protect this freedom and be free from interference from an overreaching state. However, in Kazakhstan, the freedom of the press is severely restricted. The Kazakh government’s control over the media threatens democratic norms in the country and destroys the process of democratization initiated by Kazakhstan after the collapse of the Second World. This paper examines how restricting press freedom alters Kazakhstan’s democratization process and how Kazakhstan has shifted from its commitment to democracy on paper to authoritarianism in practice

Kazakhstan shares a long border with China and is one of the five most important Central Asian countries with the closest ties to China. At the state level, both China and Kazakhstan share a view that strengthening relations between the two countries is mutually beneficial. As a result, the Kazakhstani state generally holds a positive perception of China. It actively supports the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) launched by China in 2013 as an ambitious framework of projects offering infrastructural interconnectivity. Kazakhstan was the first country to confirm its participation in the Chinese BRI initiative, and both countries have enthusiastically identified more than 55 joint projects related to BRI, collectively valued at over $21.2 billion. These projects are being implemented in Kazakhstan in the following areas: oil and gas, engineering, agriculture, energy, construction, and chemicals. However, unlike the Kazakhstani state, the Kazakhstani public perceives Chinese BRI-related projects and investments negatively, seeing Chinese political, economic, and cultural engagement in their country as China’s ‘creeping expansion’. Focusing on analyzing China-Kazakhstan relations from the perspective of Kazakhstani people’s perception, this paper attempts to identify the areas related to BRI where Kazakhstani people experience fears and examine how anti-Chinese sentiments and activities that are present in the country pose a significant challenge to the realization of BRI dreams. Furthermore, it examines the nature of soft power diplomacy employed by China to improve its negative image within Kazakhstan and analyzes to what extent China has succeeded in it.

Women’s daily experiences in Central Asia are not frequently reflected in laws about equal rights and opportunities for men and women. In the region, many countries lack efficient systems to keep an eye on the application of national legislation promoting gender equality and human rights treaties. Certain governments overlook the established connections between gender disparity and public policy and economic and social development issues. On average, women make up almost 80% of what males do worldwide. However, in Central Asia, the disparity is more pronounced. In Tajikistan, it is 61%; in Uzbekistan, it is 75%; in the Kyrgyz Republic, it is 78%; and in Kazakhstan, working women make up around 60% of what males do. Throughout Central Asia, there is a trend of low pay and low employment rates among women, which immediately shrinks the economies of the region and raises the poverty rate. It has been surveyed in Central Asia that national income would vary from 27% in Kazakhstan to 63% in Tajikistan if women participated in the same proportion as men. Raising the average salary of working-age women and men in Uzbekistan would lift almost 700,000 people out of poverty. Nations with more gender equality also tend to expand quickly and have substantially higher per capita national incomes. This paper examines how these potential economic benefits are massive in Central Asia and what measures are needed in the region to achieve them. It attempts to address the question as why achieving true gender equality remains a major challenge in Central Asia, even though legal protections in the region are generally strong and women are relatively well-represented in secondary education and the workforce.

This systematic review aims to explore the effective strategies and practices that can foster social adaptation and resilience in social orphans of Kyrgyzstan, a country facing political, economic, and social challenges. The review analyzes three main aspects of the orphanage environment: enrichment activities, programs and practices, and care giving relationship. The findings suggest that enrichment activities can enhance the children’s social and emotional competence, socialization and identity formation, life skills and purpose, teamwork and communication, and cultural relevance and expression. The programs and practices can facilitate the children’s rites of passage and mental strength, socio-emotional behaviour and resilience, life skills and adjustment, participatory socialization and inclusion, and educational space and family values. The care giving relationship can influence the caregivers’mental health and well-being, and their training and education. The review concludes that the orphanage environment can play a vital role in promoting social adaptation and resilience in social orphans of Kyrgyzstan, and provides recommendations for future research and practice.

The paper deliberates on the most controversial projects like the ‘New Silk Road Initiative’(NSRI) and the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’(BRI), which have brought South and Central Asia into the limelight, and the stage has been set for the New Great Game. The NSRI is intended to integrate South and Central Asia with conflict-ridden Afghanistan so that the country can achieve economic sustainability and lasting peace. It seeks to renew the Ancient Silk Route to open up new markets and economic opportunities for boosting economic growth, creating new jobs, attracting foreign investment, and ensuring regional stability in Afghanistan and Central Asia. However, the BRI is intended to ensure a strong economic and political position for China in South and Central Asia. China’s BRI became a big challenge to the United States NSRI and is emerging as more productive, beneficial, and successful. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a ‘flagship project’of the BRI, which can promote economic integration between South, Central, East, and West Asia. This bilateral agreement has the potential to become a multilateral project as the corridor has the prospective road extensions to link Afghanistan, Iran, and India for regional integration.