The Journal of Central Asian Studies

Central of Central Asian Studies

University of Kashmir

ISSN: 0975-086X

One of the greatest sufis who contributed to the evolution of sufi tradition in the Islamicate was Sheikh Abu Sa’id Abul Khair (967 C.E.-1049 C.E). He was born in Mayhna/Mehna/Meana, (in modern Turkmenistan) and received his early education there before moving to Merv and Sarakhs. He studied all the branches of religious and secular sciences and acquired proficiency in these subjects. However, he was more inclined towards mysticism. He spent much of his time in Merv and Nishapur, and finally settled in Mayhna. He turned his house into a ribāt (hospice) where he himself would practice most difficult ascetic exercises. Soon he became popular due to his ingenuousness for his being convivial and warm. However, he also entered into conflict with the authorities and ulama who blamed him for having initiated strange customs, sometimes not approved in the shariat. Somehow, he is counted amongst the first generation sufis who composed mystic poetry in Persian. His couplets became popular even among the sufis in India, who often recited these in their meetings. .The main objective of this paper is to highlight the question of his popularity among the sufis, especially the Chishtis in the subcontinent between the thirteenth and eighteenth century.

Central Asia is a strategically important region for both the United States and China. Since 1991, the U.S. has sought to strengthen its position in the region through investments in various sectors, and some Central Asian countries allowed NATO access to their airbases for operations in Afghanistan. However, after 2001, U.S. influence declined due to Russian policies and the rise of China as a regional competitor. China has increased its influence in Central Asia through significant investments and strategic partnerships. This research examines the potential future rivalry between the U.S. and China in Central Asia. Using secondary sources such as journals, books, newspapers, and policy analyses, the study predicts ongoing geopolitical competition between the two powers. Findings suggest that the U.S. may attempt to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative, both countries may form regional coalitions to protect their interests, and proxy conflicts could emerge as a means to limit each other’s influence in the region.

This study explores the contemporary dynamics between India and Central Asia, drawing inspiration from the historical Silk Roads that once facilitated vibrant exchanges. Delving beyond conventional geopolitics, the study examines the emerging geo-economic intricacies that shape this evolving relationship. Central to this exploration is the prospect of digital Silk Roads, where technological advancements and connectivity initiatives redefine trade and cultural ties. This is interesting to note that people, culture, and soft power in India-Central Asia Relations are the other important dimensions that need to be delved in this paper. The soft power dynamics of this study is indeed important one that influences the rich cultural heritage shared between the regions. This study would in fact unearth the less explored aspects that contribute to the enduring ties binding India and Central Asia. The study would also examine the strategic moves in the energy sector and infrastructure development with a focus on India's initiatives like the International Solar Alliance. How sustainable energy cooperation forms a linchpin for future collaboration would be deeply investigated in this research. This paper would also like to address in order to explore the untapped potential of tourism as a catalyst for economic growth and cultural exchange. The study investigates how both regions can leverage their historical landmarks and natural beauty to boost tourism and foster sustainable development. Finally, the paper looks into education and research Collaborations more deeply in order to understand the mutual benefits of fostering academic ties, encouraging student exchanges, and promoting collaborative research initiatives between Indian and Central Asian institutions. This multifaceted exploration provides a fresh perspective on the India-Central Asia relationship, transcending traditional geopolitical analyses and embracing the diverse opportunities that await these regions on their journey of rediscovery and reconnection.

This paper conceptualizes Sufism as a “Spiritual Silk Road” that historically facilitated sustained social and cultural connectivity between India and Central Asia. While the material Silk Road enabled commercial exchange, Sufi networks enabled the transmission of spiritual ideas, ethical frameworks, artistic expressions, and institutional models across Transoxiana, Khurasan, and the Indian subcontinent. Through silsilahs (spiritual lineages), khanqahs, dargahs, and the Persianate literary culture, Sufism constructed a transregional cosmopolitanism that transcended ethnic, linguistic, and political boundaries. Drawing upon historical and intellectual scholarship spanning the works of Schimmel (1975), Eaton (1993), Ernst (1997), Foltz (2010), and others, this study argues that Sufi institutions and ethical paradigms contributed significantly to the formation of a composite Indo–Central Asian civilizational sphere. The paper further examines how Sufi orders functioned as decentralized yet organically cohesive networks of spiritual authority, social service, and cultural mediation. The contemporary resonance of this heritage in the domain of cultural diplomacy and inter-regional identity formation is also explored.

This paper explores how India’s foreign policy toward Afghanistan has changed from 1989 to 2024. The main argument is that India’s involvement has evolved through three distinct phases, each shaped by different geopolitical factors. The paper states that this strategic shift has been a response to a constantly changing security environment, mainly due to ongoing competition with Pakistan, the interests of major powers, and India’s own long-term goals for regional stability and economic cooperation. The analysis starts with Phase I (1989–2001), a time marked by a strategic gap after the Soviet withdrawal and the rise of the first Taliban regime. It discusses how India’s initial support for the failing Soviet-backed government and later withdrawal left it without strong political allies in Afghanistan. This situation allowed Pakistan to gain an advantage by leveraging its influence with the Taliban. The Phase II (2001–2021) represents a significant shift toward a proactive, soft power-focused partnership. The present study explores how the U.S.-led removal of the Taliban opened a crucial opportunity for India to re-engage. Over two decades, India became the largest regional donor to Afghanistan, contributing more than $3 billion to a variety of development projects. The final phase, Phase III (2021–2024), emerges from the shock of the U.S. withdrawal and the Taliban’s return to power. Confronted with the fall of the U.S.-backed government and the comeback of rivals like China and Pakistan, India took a pragmatic and careful approach. This strategy emphasizes engagement without formal recognition, trying to balance the need to safeguard its past investments and address security threats while upholding its democratic values. The paper concludes that India’s current policy stems from lessons learned during the strategic failures of the 1990s, recognizing that any strategic void will be filled by rivals. The future of India-Afghanistan relations depends on India’s ability to navigate this complicated balancing act and protect its interests amid a shifting regional power landscape.

The present paper examines the renewable and non-renewable energy potentials of the Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) and analyzes how those resource endowments align with current and projected market demand. Combining desk-based resource assessment, policy review, and quantitative market-demand modeling, the paper maps resource availability (hydropower, solar, wind, biomass, natural gas, and oil), evaluates existing energy infrastructure and trade flows, and assesses drivers of demand such as population and economic growth, industrialization, electrification, and regional export markets. Results show a clear regional duality: the region is simultaneously endowed with large non-renewable reserves (notably hydrocarbons in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) and significant renewable potential (large-scale hydropower in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan; high solar irradiance and sizeable wind corridors across the plains and deserts). Market demand analysis indicates rising domestic electricity needs and growing international demand for low-carbon energy, but also highlights structural barriers—aging transmission networks, limited cross-border market integration, financing constraints, and regulatory uncertainty – that restrict rapid deployment of renewables. Scenario modeling suggests that modest policy reforms (transparent tariffs, grid investments, and targeted green financing) and enhanced regional cooperation could enable Central Asia to meet rising demand while shifting the energy mix toward low-carbon sources without sacrificing export revenues from fossil fuels. The paper concludes with policy recommendations for staged transition pathways that leverage each country’s comparative advantage, prioritize resilient grid modernization, and design market instruments to attract private capital.

Daghestan was among the earliest lands that Islam touched. The historians agree that Arabs penetrated first into the eastern Caucasus which was the first Islamic mission to Caucasus in the middle of seventh century. However the spread of Islam was slow for many reasons. The most of which is the difficult nature of mountainous region. Since the beginning of existence of Islam in the region, Islamic religion brought more impact on the Daghestani people compared to the impact of any other religions and philosophies. Islamic influence lies in its principles of high code of ethics. Daghestan had become a major center of Islamic learning. It played a vital role in Islamisation of the rest of the North Caucasus. The prevalence of Sufism in Daghestan has been a significant contributory factor in the expansion and consolidation of Islam in the region. The Sufism has remained of central importance to Daghestani social and political life.

Traditional Geopolitics or simply Geopolitics is not a given, objective or an innocent approach towards politics. To locate the unreflectivity, “Critical Geopolitics”, thus, as a critical and theoretical perspective tends to uncover the assumptions and biases underlying traditional Geopolitical thinking and practice. For Central Asian region, Critical Geopolitics comes with the rethinking of the cartography, the imagination about and marginalization of Central Asia, all of which are products of knowledge-power relations. It critically deconstructs the motivations and misinterpretations of the Western/Eurocentric/Anglo-Saxon/Tsarist/Soviet/Russian narratives about Central Asia. The paper will examine how Central Asia as a “geopolitical region” continues to be constructed by outside ideologies, political actors, civil societies, Intellectuals and foreign policy discourses. This paper sees Central Asia as constituted of five stans or republics without any disregard for other definitions of Central Asian region. This paper argues for a pro-Central Asian Geopolitics stemming out of its agency, geopolitical creativity, diversification, de-colonisation, de-securitization and capacity. Central Asian republics are not merely the spaces for “Game”, competition, and the region is not only about resource, economy and ecology available to be exploited. The republics have their own “self-scripting”, although full of challenges, targeted to be weakened by their representation as authoritarian, undemocratic, underdeveloped portrayed through media/non-media. The new “geo-political” understanding of Central Asia in terms of innovative ideas and practices of inter-state relations within and without Central Asia takes into account the regional sovereignty, neighbourhoodness, cooperation, economic/cultural/exchange agreements, organizations/institutions (local, regional and global), socialization of Central Asia values/norms, proactive foreign policy, negotiations and fresh engagement with the major powers and the “third world” states. Of course, there are political/non-political issues in Central Asia that need co-operation with the non-Central Asian world. Importantly, Critical Geopolitics doesn’t cancel Classical/Traditional Geopolitics but benefits from it with criticality.

Ancient Kashmir texts indicate that it is a beautiful valley filled with wisdom and spirituality, which has been an important part of its cultural heritage. That is why the valley is known by many names, including Satisar, Shārda Pëth, Reshwār and Pirvēr. This reflects its identity as the home of sages, saints, and great scholars. Additionally, it is affectionately called Iran-i-Sagër, Bagh-i-Sulaimān, and the Paradise on Earth. Despite all this, it is ironic that there is a lack of detailed information about the literature of the pre-Aryan tribes, of which the Nags were the most important and oldest inhabitants. This lack of information gives rise to curiosity and countless speculations. People believe that the Kashmiri Nagas gave birth to many scholars and philosophers, including Kapil, Panjali and Nag Budhi. Kapal is known as the founder of “Shaika Darshan”, a philosophy that studies the nature of reality and the universe. Panjali wrote an important work called “Paramarthasar,” which examines deep aspects of existence and is key to understanding ancient Kashmiri philosophy. Nag Budhi is also seen as a significant thinker known for his contributions to Kashmiri thought during his time. Some even say that the famous philosopher Nagarjun, who was important in Mahayana Buddhism, might be connected to the Kashmiri Nagas. While this idea is still debated, it adds to the story of Kashmir’s early scholars and their lasting impact on philosophy. Studying ancient Sanskrit writings of Kashmir, as well as Persian and Kashmiri literature from the 14th century onwards, can help us to discover cultural elements that existed in pre-Aryans era. This article examines the topic through various forms of literature, including poetry and folklore, as well as language, and other sources.

The research “Indic Motifs and Symbolism in West Asian Art and Architecture: A Civilization Dialogue through the Lens of Indian Knowledge Systems (IKS)” delves at the centuries-long cultural exchanges between India and West Asia that have affected artistic and architectural traditions. The study aims to discover Indic themes, philosophical ideas, and symbolic representations that spread across these two ancient civilizations via commerce, migration, and spiritual interchange. Using the Indian Knowledge Systems (IKS) framework, this study investigates how aesthetic qualities anchored in Dharma, cosmic order (Rta), and geometry-based design principles find visual resonance in West Asian art, particularly Persian, Mesopotamian, and Islamic architectural forms. The study demonstrates how motifs like as the lotus, chakra, kalasha, and mandala formations crossed regional borders to transmit universal ideals of divinity, fertility, and togetherness. The incorporation of Indian cosmological motifs, mathematical accuracy, and holy geometry into West Asian domes, tile work, and decorative patterns reveals a cultural interaction that enhanced both creative traditions.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) of China started as a huge infrastructure development project spanning across both the continental and maritime domain has evolved into connectivity of physical infrastructure to social infrastructure, from digital to people-to-people connectivity. The number of countries, international institutions and finance committed under it. At the same time, it has come under criticism for commercial rates of finances advanced, lack of transparency, dual-use possibility of projects and pushing countries into unsustainable economic traps. India, being a very important country in the South Asian Region and beyond as well, has its own share of issues with China and BRI further fans that suspicion of strategic encirclement of India. India also fears lose of dominance in South Asian Region and the Indian Ocean Region. Understanding this, India has crafted its own policy responses against the BRI which focuses on improving its own capacity by aligning its policies with like-minded countries. India has been slow in identification of projects and its execution in third countries to compete with China and at the same time New Delhi has lacked confidence in its own economy as it has failed to join initiatives like the RCEP and BCIM-EC which has the potential to make Indian economy competitive and improve connectivity.

Horticulture sector is one of the crucial industries of Jammu and Kashmir economy. The industry has contributed significantly in financial standing of the economy. It also emerged as a reliable source of employment thereby reduces poverty. The diversity of horticulture goods produced in the economy are valued around the world for their excellent quality and flavor. Apples, mangoes, citrus, ber, walnuts, almonds, cherries etc, are among the fruit crops cultivated in the economy of Jammu and Kashmir. However, focused policies are needed to realize and flourish the full potential of the sector. This study examines the trends of the horticulture sector in the economy and identifies the growth prospects. The total production of fresh fruits and dry fruits has grown at the rate of 2.85% and 5.16% respectively during 2004 to 2021 period. While the overall rate of growth of total fruits in horticulture are found to be 3.08%. On average, walnut and almond helps the economy in earning foreign exchange reserves by contributing around Rs. 108.54 crore from 2000 to 2019 with a compound annual growth rate of 3.8%. The major concern of the sector is to improve the productivity through research and development, diversification of exports and enhancing infrastructure including cold stores and transport facility and other necessaries. The paper also discusses policy recommendations.

Water security in Central Asia represents one of the most complex and pressing geopolitical and environmental challenges of the twenty-first century. The five post-Soviet republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan along with an increasingly assertive Afghanistan share the Amu Darya and Syr Darya river systems, the lifeblood of an arid, landlocked region home to more than 80 million people. This paper argues that water insecurity in Central Asia is the product of three mutually reinforcing dynamics: the accelerating retreat of glaciers under climate change, deep structural tensions between upstream hydropower states and downstream agricultural economies, and weak supranational governance that has failed to enforce equitable transboundary water-sharing since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Drawing from scholarly sources, policy reports, and primary data, the paper examines the ecological legacy of the Aral Sea disaster, contemporary hydro-geopolitical flashpoints including the Rogun and Kambarata dam projects and the Taliban-constructed Qosh Tepa Canal in Afghanistan, and the structural limitations of existing regional institutions notably the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination (ICWC) and the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea (IFAS). The paper concludes with a framework of policy recommendations emphasizing multilateral treaty reform, investment in water-use efficiency, and the urgent inclusion of Afghanistan in regional water-governance mechanisms.

The historical Silk Road that connected the Indian subcontinent to Central Asia via Afghanistan stands in stark contrast to the contemporary geopolitical reality, where India finds itself geographically incarcerated. This paper posits that the primary impediments to India’s direct land access to Central Asia are a historically hostile Pakistan and a perennially unstable Afghanistan. However, the recent diplomatic engagement between India and the Taliban administration in Kabul, signalled by the Afghan Foreign Minister’s visit, presents a critical juncture. This study examines the hypothesis that a functionally stable Afghanistan is an indispensable geopolitical prerequisite for the realization of India’s ‘Connect Central Asia’ policy. Utilizing a framework of critical geopolitics and New Regionalism, the paper analyses the potential transformation of Afghanistan from a barrier into a corridor. It investigates specific pathways such as the full operationalization of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) through the Chabahar Port and the prospective use of the Wakhan Corridor. While acknowledging profound challenges related to the Taliban’s governance, security guarantees, and international legitimacy, the paper concludes that a pragmatic, interest-based engagement with a pacified Afghanistan is not merely advantageous but a strategic imperative for India to circumvent Pakistani obstruction, enhance its regional influence, secure energy routes, and foster deeper socio-cultural ties with the Indian diaspora in Central Asia.

This paper explores the Islamic Republic of Iran not merely as a political state but as a distinct civilizational model that challenges the hegemony of Western liberal democracy. By examining the theoretical frameworks of Francis Fukuyama’s “The End of History and the Last Man” and Samuel P Huntington’s “The Class of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order”, the study situates Iran as a unique case of post-revolutionary governance offering an alternative to secular modernity. The analysis argues that Iran’s significance lies in its ability to sustain an Islamic system of governance rooted in indigenous values, moral authority, and institutional resilience, posing a long-term ideological and Civilizational challenge to the current world order.