The Journal of Central Asian Studies

Central of Central Asian Studies

University of Kashmir

Print ISSN: 0975-086X Online ISSN: 0975-086X

The identity of various ethnos in Uzbekistan gets complicated when methodological principles and criteria are substituted by ideological speculations during analytical studies. The stereotype Uzbek identity unless dynamic and glued to a set of behavioural expectation, heterogeneous or homogenous cultural setting, it remains abstract and static and eludes analysis. Historically Soviet period consolidated specific Uzbek identity and at present its characteristic is preservation and differentiation. Although ethnic and national identities have been incongruous, however, wrongly used interchangeably at different epochs of history. In those studies element of politico-administrative considerations were mostly left out. Likewise unity of natural historical and constructionist principle has to be given a serious attention while formulating components of Uzbek identity. In the last 30 years we witness substantial growth of ethno-national consciousness, expressed through effectuated national ideology intertwined with symbolic cultural revival.

Until recently, Tajikistan paid more attention to the development of relations with the countries lying in the north. However, the country is now establishing links with countries in the south and the east through the international transport networks. Construction of new roads, bridges and tunnels, growth of international trade, and migrations have helped interaction with the neighboring countries, in particular with China and Afghanistan. Since 2002 and until 2006 the volume of trade between Tajikistan and China grew 25 times. The largest projects supported by China in Tajikistan, in accordance with the framework of SCO, are the construction of a transport corridor and electric lines. However, restoration of the Silk Route has brought new challenges, such as Tajikistan‟s participation in "the new Big Game”, religious extremism, illegal migration, lack of competition with the Chinese goods, etc.

Emancipated from decades of Soviet rule, independent Turkmenistan looks forward, in a soul searching quest to play a pivotal role in Caspian energy politics and shape the regional scheme of political developments to its best pursuit and advantage. While energy reserve, particularly natural gas, has remained Turkmenistan’s major asset in a largely energy hungry world, its more valuable asset is its cultural heritage which has significantly contributed to the assimilation and synthesis of the cultural ethos of the Orient and the Occident. Located at the confluence of various civilizations in Central Asia along the ancient Silk Route, Turkmenistan and its ancient cities of Merv and Nisa were famous trading centres. MIRAS, the Cultural Directorate of the Turkmenistan government, organized an international conference on 5-7 December, 2007 to revive the past of these cities along ancient Silk and Spice Routes that connected India, China and the rest of the world with Central Asia.

It is remarkable how little attention has been given to a period of great significance in the evolution of Eastern–Western relationships, and their individual / intertwining history and culture. During the 12th century new developments took place, which deeply affected Europe and Central Asia, influencing – without changing the traditional basic structures – the attitude of their societies. On the Eastern Quadrant we witness the rise of new potentates and dominions, and the reorganisation of the regional political asset under new balances of power and institutional forces. On the Western Quadrant, new forces came to the fore: the Italian City-States. Gradually, a stronger, well-organised asset sprang up from the ruins of the past. But its vitality stemmed from a new synthesis between different values and concepts which swept through the Mediterranean Sea, heralding the end of Byzantium and its system, and introducing a new world order with its cosmopolitan knowledge and learning and its closely intertwining cultural and mercantile interests. Despite the competition from Venice, whose policy aimed at controlling the eastern waters of the Mediterranean Sea and achieving the monopoly of Euro-Asian trade by diverting its flow through the Red Sea, Genoa had succeeded in putting into practice a pragmatic policy, which allowed the republic to build up the most extensive and impressive political-institutional and financial-commercial edifice of the time. A skilled nautical experience and technology had brought a series of innovations both in sailing and warfare that soon significantly modified the traditional picture of maritime warfare developing combat methods that would give Genoa unprecedented superiority at sea and on the seas. It was in this span of time that an important trade-route to/from the Black Sea grew up, and significant commercial relations were opened up by the peoples settled in the Central Asian spaces with Genoese quarters (a sort of little “city-states”) and their advanced bases of the Black Sea.

Globalisation defines a trend of transformation from local and regional to the global phenomenon, and characterizes the coexistence of a relationship based on surplus, trade, market and capital. Such a trend was, however, stalled by unlimited state control, excessive taxes and traditional means of transportation and communication during medieval times1 besides two great wars and their corresponding anti-imperial „nationalist‟ interlude in the 20th century. These unhealthy factors contributed to plummeting the foreign trade and capital investment in the developed and the developing countries. Nonetheless, the said trend picked up as a sequence of unprecedented technological advancement and the pro-activism of several leading trans-national financial corporation‟s (hereafter TNFCs) but suffered again in 1970s as a sequence of low returns of TNFCs. To tide over the crisis, the TNFCs mandated privatization of state enterprise, liberalization of imports, equitable resource sharing, soft borders, hassle free trade, regional and global infrastructural development, etc. A unified and flexible economic order based on the integration of national, regional (pan European, pan-Asian, pan-Arabic and pan-American) and world economies towards laissez faire and neo-liberalism, was the natural concomitant of above initiative of the TNFCs.2 Consequently, indicators of socio-economic development progressed to an appreciable extent despite the belief of the “Cultural Imperialists” that “Globalisation is the reincarnation of the Western imperialism/colonialism”; hence, aimed at benefitting the developed rather than the developing countries across the world.3 The Central Asian space was no exception to above global phenomenon. Though the region registered unprecedented progress, it was juxtaposed subject to several complications. In fact, the present article seeks to examine the costs and benefits of globalisation to the Central Asian countries, and it is based on both historical and empirical studies.

In Iran there is a combination of Islamic laws as well as people’s decisions in place regarding the rights of women. 'Islamic feminism', offers a critique of feminist theories, which construct it as an authentic and indigenous emancipation alternative to secular feminisms. Focusing on Iran after the victory of 1979 Islamic Revolution we are exploring women’s right in an Islamic society. Some of women’s rights are quite common everywhere in the world as these are inherent whereas others are acquisitive and thus different from one society and region to another. This paper argues that some women rights in Iran, though not recognized by the government laws, were common and widely applicable before the 1979 revolution and later approved in the Constitutional Law of 1979 while some new ones were recognized and are part of the Constitution. Accordingly, the paper argues that women's rights in political, social, cultural and economic arenas are improving in Iran.

A sudden upsurge of Islamisation with militant and violent versions was witnessed in post Soviet Uzbekistan. Although Islam for centuries has been an important marker in determining Uzbek and Central Asian identity and national consciousness, it has nevertheless been a multifaceted phenomenon, characterized by the divisions along Shia- Sunni suborders, syncretic shamanist practices, popular/official denominations and lately by Wahabi and fundamentalist versions. Post Soviet Uzbekistan suffered from an ideological void, providing an opportunity to external actors to engage with the people having fundamental tendencies and religious orthodoxy, as opposed to Central Asian ethos and incumbent secular regime. Along with external actors of oil rich West Asian states, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan the regional actors Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), Hizb-ul Tahreer (HT), Akramiya and the like were instrumental in the resurgence of Islam with violent consequences for the whole region. Prolonged fusion of religion with ethno-nationalism and subsequent Soviet suppression, the tribal social structure, economic depression and repressive policies of Islam Karimove‟s authoritarian rule are no less significant in determining resurgence of Islam in Uzbekistan.

While Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov seeks to reintegrate Turkmenistan on the international and regional levels and attempts to establish new partnerships with foreign companies to accelerate investments, domestic policy seems a poor reflection of the regime‟s evolution. The authorities‟ attention is focused on social issues totally neglected by the regime of Saparmurat Niyazov. New schools were built, provincial hospitals have reopened, roads and railways are improving, land reforms, however small, are welcomed, and a modest decentralization has emerged. However, the general social situation remains tense: a total absence of public liberty, violations of religious rights, mostly unacknowledged massive unemployment, a loss of confidence of the middle classes, whose educational and professional opportunities have been reduced, increasing corruption of state organs, and rural poverty influenced by the social problems of recent years. Yet, the main long-term problem probably remains the country‟s lack of human capital, which was destroyed in recent decades and needs time to be restored.

The demise of the former Soviet Union (FSU) led to disintegration of watersheds resulting in water disputes particularly between water-surplus and water-deficit subregions, followed by arbitrations, treaties and some water-sharing agreements. Higher water mismanagement mainly by semi-desert steppy lower riparians, their fast growing water needs for dense population and huge thirsty irrigable land and the „locational benefits‟, they claim for hydrocarbon resources, on one side, and the mountainous republics becoming conscious about the water resources – all is heading towards a complicated situation. Moreover, the three water-deficit republics have recorded the lowest irrigation efficiencies, much below the world average. Such unhealthy trends are mostly responsible for creating an environmental catastrophe in Greater Central Asia in which Aral Sea presents the worst scene. This dynamics has made irrigation management crucial and detrimental for the sustained crop production. In order to minimize the water loss from source to field, a critical issue in irrigation management, the respective governments, some international organizations, and NGOs have started to improve irrigation efficiency through the application of irrigation technology and the related measures. These initiatives have been successfully rewarded. However, the states being highly interdependent and single planning unit, their sustenance and development jointly lies in managing the resources, significantly water, which requires high degree of regional cooperation.

The disintegration of the USSR in December, 1991 and the consequent emergence of independent states in Central Asia, Caucasus, and the Baltic were unprecedented historical events in the global politics of modern times. As a result, five independent Central Asian states of significant geopolitical importance emerged on the vast Eurasian landscape. It is a land locked region of the gigantic Asian continent contiguous to six large states- Russia in the North-West, China in the East and Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India occupying the whole swathe of Southern fringe. The geographical location of Central Asia has been of decisive importance. The 19th century Great Game, Britain’s against Russia, was mainly explained in terms of the strategic significance of the region because of its geographical location as the gateway to the Indian subcontinent and the Persian Gulf. In today’s Great Game focus is on how to delink Central Asia from Russian ethnic domination and to build a polity attuned to democracy and liberal values, also to revamp their shattered economy marked as it is by shortages, inflation and unbalanced and lop sided pattern of development, evolve beneficial programmes of regional cooperation within the Central Asian states and with neighbouring countries and others.

The Iranian and Indian civilizations, two of the earliest and creative, have played vital and dynamic role in the formation and shaping of the world history. Iranian influences in Kashmir appeared strongly after the establishment of Sultanate (1320-1585) there, much more was the introduction of Persian language and its literature. During the course of time it became so strong that it was the official language of the state till Urdu was introduced in the 19th century. Many luminaries worked hard to spread it and produced a body of literature that has left its marks on the life of the people there.

The Czarist Russian and Soviet archival records gain significance with regard to much debated and controversial accounts of Armenian genocides – the issue laden with accusations and counter accusations founded on concocted and fabricated narratives fed by imperial powers to facilitate the division and share of booty of Ottoman territory. Czarist Russia and Soviets were the most important witness of the event, besides contending parties of Armenian and Turkey, between 1915 and 1923. The documents include besides state records, the Dashnak documents, who themselves were controlled and exploited by imperial Russia and Soviets for their own designs. These documents reflect the tragic saga of killings, massacres of Armenians and retaliation by Turks during these fateful years, resulting in ethnic cleansing of Armenians as well as Turkish Muslims of Armenia. The records depict living conditions of Ottoman Armenians, rise of Armenians nationalism, its enticement to Czarist plans, the Dashnak design to annihilate majority Muslim population of Ottoman Armenia, besides imperialist intrigues leading to genocides with an utter disregard to human values and international moral codes of conduct.

India-Georgian relations might have been established with the operation of the Silk Route trade from Europe – via Caspian to Central Asia and then onwards to India. The early sources reflecting upon India-Georgian connections are Georgian chronicles, which establish Iranian campaigns to India in which Georgian soldiers formed an auxiliary unit. The chroniclers seem to have drawn from oral narratives and passing references with regard to Indian treasures as trophies of war and some legends. The Iranian military campaigns are substantiated by the Greek and Arab sources, besides 12th Century Georgian historian of Queen Zamar, who testifies to this campaign and booty acquired there from. In the following centuries the evidence of interaction are drawn from Georgian philology, in poetry and translations. From 15th Century onwards there are plenty of travelogues by travelers, traders and adventures, where facts about India are mixed with legends and mysteries. However, the intensive trade and cultural relations were established in 18th – 19th centuries advanced through ambassadorial missions by Erable the Zend. The merchant accounts of Khurtsidze, Stephen Zubalashvili, Catholic priest Anton Khulsishvili and diplomate Rafiel Danibegashivili testify to the activities of Georgian interests and involvement with India. The relations during Soviet rule were governed by Moscow, which are marked by mutual visits and bi-lateral trade agreements after independence.

With the collapse of Soviet Union, the Mongolian government besides introducing democracy attempted to re-introduce the traditions and customs that existed there before the Socialism. In 1990, Mongolia proclaimed its new constitution where it stated the basic human rights including freedom of religion. Shamanism and Buddhism are back in every family; likewise construction of both yellow and red sect of lama monasteries are in full swing, Muslim Kazakhs have full freedom of worship, and many Christian churches are operating in different parts of Mongolia. Both young and old visit religious places and feel pride in their traditions. One finds in every corner near the monasteries fortune teller lamas predicting the future of the people who stay in queue for long to know about their coming years. Chingiz Khan is now the hero and founder of the Mongol Ulus. Old script is back in schools. The paper will throw light on the customs and traditions of Mongols. How Mongols have retained past traditions and what is happening with this revival of customs and tradition and its affect on the society on the whole.

Famous English historian Arnold Toynbee while analyzing the causes of the rise and fall of civilizations in his twelve-volume book ―A Study of History (1934-1961)‖ said ―Civilizations die from suicide, not by murder‖, thereby putting the blame for the downfall more on internal factors rather than external forces. When a civilization responds to challenges, it grows. It declines when its leaders stop responding creatively, and sink owing to nationalism, militarism, and the tyranny of a despotic minority. This is happening in the Middle East, however, at the same time the external powers with nefarious designs play a great part, creating conditions where their interests are best served. The present crisis of the Arab World is therefore the result of the mixture of internal problems and the external manipulations. The present paper seeks to know what happened recently in many countries of the region; how the regimes have responded and how the external forces are playing their game for their own interests.